Remember last week they wanted transparency?

Meanwhile:

And then there’s this

Very, very interesting:


@PaulSonne 2h2 hours ago
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The No. 2 executive at the Russian firm that now claims to own Le Pen‘s loan? A former Soviet military spy expelled from the U.S. in 1983 after federal agents caught him retrieving what he thought were secret documents from the base of a tree in Maryland.

1984 redux

https://twitter.com/jtkirklin/status/1021893442358505472

Coup in slow motion

Here we go — any day now, Trump will fire Rosenstein, and this stiff will fire Mueller.

Handmaiden judges, Part 2

For one thing, administrative law judges in the Social Security system are the ones who hear disability cases and reviews. Making them political appointees means they can just deny claims across the board — which is something the extreme right wants very badly.

From what I understand, this will end up in SCOTUS. I wonder how that ends up?

My young banker mentioned to me today that he voted for Gary Johnson. “You mean you voted for Trump,” I said.

“No, no, I voted for Johnson.”

“We don’t have a parliamentary system, and that means you voted for Trump,” I said. “You built that.”

This is the kind of all-out assault on the government is what you get when Republicans are in charge.

A lawyer friend wrote me:

This is just another incredibly depressing blow again an independent judiciary. Tens of hundreds of thousands of cases are heard before federal ALJs, including cases involving social security, immigration, employment discrimination, admiralty, advertising, antitrust, banking, communications, energy, environmental protection, food and drugs, health and safety, housing, interstate commerce, international trade, labor management relations, securities and commodities markets, disability and other benefits claims, and transportation. According to the EO, agencies hiring ALJs will no longer have to go through the rigorous pooled hiring process, and the ALJs can be merely political appointments.

ALJs have always been viewed as above politics, unlike the appointment of federal judges. After the Kavanaugh nomination (some of my friends and former law professors went to school or worked with him, and declare him very nice, and very dangerous) and the clear contempt the Administration’s lawyers are showing the federal courts on family separation, I’m just ready to sit on a beach with a bottle of vodka and cry for our hijacked legal system.

Has Trump been a Russian asset since 1987?

Jonathan Chait went there with what he calls “a plausible theory of mind-boggling collusion”: Has Trump been a Russian asset since 1987?

A case like this presents an easy temptation for conspiracy theorists, but we can responsibly speculate as to what lies at the end of this scandal without falling prey to their fallacies. Conspiracy theories tend to attract people far from the corridors of power, and they often hypothesize vast connections within or between governments and especially intelligence agencies. One of the oddities of the Russia scandal is that many of the most exotic and sinister theories have come from people within government and especially within the intelligence field.

The first intimations that Trump might harbor a dark secret originated among America’s European allies, which, being situated closer to Russia, have had more experience fending off its nefarious encroachments. In 2015, Western European intelligence agencies began picking up evidence of communications between the Russian government and people in Donald Trump’s orbit. In April 2016, one of the Baltic states shared with then–CIA director John Brennan an audio recording of Russians discussing funneling money to the Trump campaign. In the summer of 2016, Robert Hannigan, head of the U.K. intelligence agency GCHQ, flew to Washington to brief Brennan on intercepted communications between the Trump campaign and Russia.

The contents of these communications have not been disclosed, but what Brennan learned obviously unsettled him profoundly. In congressional testimony on Russian election interference last year, Brennan hinted that some Americans might have betrayed their country. “Individuals who go along a treasonous path,” he warned, “do not even realize they’re along that path until it gets to be a bit too late.” In an interview this year, he put it more bluntly: “I think [Trump] is afraid of the president of Russia. The Russians may have something on him personally that they could always roll out and make his life more difficult.”

While the fact that the former CIA director has espoused this theory hardly proves it, perhaps we should give more credence to the possibility that Brennan is making these extraordinary charges of treason and blackmail at the highest levels of government because he knows something we don’t.

Suppose we are currently making the same mistake we made at the outset of this drama — suppose the dark crevices of the Russia scandal run not just a little deeper but a lot deeper. If that’s true, we are in the midst of a scandal unprecedented in American history, a subversion of the integrity of the presidency. It would mean the Cold War that Americans had long considered won has dissolved into the bizarre spectacle of Reagan’s party’s abetting the hijacking of American government by a former KGB agent. It would mean that when Special Counsel Robert Mueller closes in on the president and his inner circle, possibly beginning this summer, Trump may not merely rail on Twitter but provoke a constitutional crisis.

Many people have been saying this for a while — Sarah Kendzior and Malcolm Nance, just to name two.

I simply assumed this, and 1987 was the turning point. That’s when Trump started talking about his “genius” plan to stop nuclear war (spoiler alert: He said he would make a deal with Putin where they would nuke a small country and it would scare everyone else so much, they would all give up their nukes.)

And when a former DIA comes out and implies the president may be “treasonous,” well, we have a problem. Hopefully this will all be public soon.